Usuária:Gremista.32/Testes5

Amy Dudley (7 de junho de 1532 - 8 de setembro de 1560) foi a primeira mulher de Robert Dudley, conde de Leicester, favorito de Elizabeth I da Inglaterra. Ela é principalmente conhecida por sua morte ao cair de um lance de escadas, cujas circunstâncias têm sido muitas vezes consideradas suspeitas. Amy Robsart era a única filha de um substancial cavalheiro de Norfolk e aos quase 18 anos se casou com Robert Dudley, filho de John Dudley, 1º Duque de Northumberland. Em 1553 Robert Dudley foi condenado à morte e encarcerado na Torre de Londres, onde Amy Dudley foi autorizada a visitá-lo. Após a sua libertação, o casal viveu em circunstâncias financeiras estritas até que, com a adesão de Elizabeth I em finais de 1558, Dudley se tornou Mestre do Cavalo, um importante cargo na corte. A Rainha logo se apaixonou por ele e falava-se que Amy Dudley, que não seguia o seu marido à corte, sofria de uma doença, e que Elizabeth talvez se casaria com Robert Dudley caso sua esposa morresse. Os rumores tornaram-se mais sinistros quando Elizabeth permaneceu solteira contra a expectativa comum de que ela aceitaria um dos seus muitos pretendentes estrangeiros.

Amy Dudley vivia com amigos em diferentes partes do país, tendo a sua própria casa e raramente via o seu marido. Na manhã de 8 de setembro de 1560, em Cumnor Place perto de Oxford, ela insistiu em mandar embora os seus criados e mais tarde foi encontrada morta ao pé de um lance de escadas com um pescoço partido e duas feridas na cabeça. A conclusão do médico-legista foi que ela tinha morrido de uma queda lá em baixo; o veredicto foi "infortúnio", morte acidental. Até os dias de hoje o que causou sua morte é motivo de discussão entre historiadores.[1]

A morte de Amy Dudley causou um escândalo. Apesar do resultado do inquérito, Robert Dudley foi amplamente suspeito de ter orquestrado a morte de sua esposa, uma opinião não partilhada pela maioria dos historiadores modernos. Ele continuou a ser o favorito mais próximo de Elizabeth, mas com respeito à sua reputação ela não podia arriscar um casamento com ele. Uma tradição que Sir Richard Verney, um seguidor de Robert Dudley, organizou a morte violenta de Amy Dudley evoluiu cedo, e a Comunidade de Leicester, uma notória e influente calúnia de 1584 contra Robert Dudley, até então Conde de Leicester, perpetuou esta versão dos acontecimentos. O interesse no destino de Amy Robsart foi reacendido no século XIX pelo romance de Walter Scott, Kenilworth. As explicações modernas mais amplamente aceites da sua morte têm sido o cancro da mama e o suicídio, embora alguns historiadores tenham sondado cenários de assassinato. As provas médicas do relatório do médico legista, que foram encontradas em 2008, são compatíveis com acidentes, bem como com suicídio e outras violências.

Vida editar

Amy Robsart nasceu em Norfolk, filha de Sir John Robsart de Syderstone, e sua esposa, Elizabeth Scott. Amy Robsart cresceu na casa da sua mãe, Stanfield Hall (perto de Wymondham), e, como seu futuro marido, em uma casa firmemente protestante.[2] Ela recebeu uma boa educação e escrevia perfeitamente.[3] Três dias antes do seu 18º aniversário, ela se casou com Robert Dudley, um filho mais novo de John Dudley, Conde de Warwick. Amy e Robert, que eram da mesma idade, provavelmente conheceram-se pela primeira vez cerca de dez meses antes do seu casamento.[4] O contrato de casamento de maio de 1550 especificava que Amy só herdaria os bens de seu pai após a morte de seus pais,[5] e após o casamento o jovem casal dependia fortemente dos dons de ambos os pais, especialmente dos pais de Robert.[6] Foi muito provavelmente um encontro amoroso, um "casamento carnal", como o convidado do casamento William Cecil comentou mais tarde de forma desaprovadora.[7] O casamento foi celebrado em 4 de junho de 1550 no palácio real de Sheen, com o rei da Inglaterra Eduardo VI presente.[8]

O Conde de Warwick e futuro Duque de Northumberland era o homem mais poderoso de Inglaterra, liderando o governo do jovem Rei Eduardo VI. A partida, embora não fosse um prêmio, era aceitável para ele, pois reforçava sua influência em Norfolk.[9] O jovem casal habitava principalmente na corte ou com os sogros de Amy na Ely House; na primeira metade de 1553 viveram na Somerset House, sendo Robert Dudley o guardião deste grande palácio renascentista..[10] Em maio de 1553 Lady Jane Grey tornou-se cunhada de Amy Dudley, e após o seu governo de quinze dias como rainha da Inglaterra, Robert Dudley foi condenado à morte e encarcerado na Torre de Londres.[11] Ele permaneceu lá de julho de 1553 a outubro de 1554; a partir de setembro de 1553 Amy foi autorizada a visitar "e lá permanecer com" o Condestável da Torre.[12]

 
Lorde Robert Dudley, marido de Amy Robsart c. 1560

Após a sua libertação Robert Dudley ficou sem dinheiro e ele e Amy foram ajudados financeiramente pelas suas famílias.[13] O seu estilo de vida teve de permanecer modesto, no entanto, e Lord Robert (como ele era conhecido) estava a acumular dívidas consideráveis. Sir John Robsart morreu em 1554; sua esposa o seguiu até o túmulo na primavera de 1557, o que significava que os Dudleys poderiam herdar a propriedade Robsart com a permissão da Rainha.[14] A mansão ancestral de Lady Amy de Syderstone era inabitável há muitas décadas,[15] e o casal estava agora vivendo em Throcking, Hertfordshire, na casa de William Hyde, quando não estavam em Londres.[10] Em agosto de 1557 Robert Dudley foi lutar por Filipe II de Espanha (que era então marido de Mary I) na Batalha de St. Quentin na França.[16] A partir deste momento, uma carta de negócios de Amy Dudley sobrevive, quitando algumas dívidas de seu marido em sua ausência, "embora eu tenha esquecido de mover meu senhor antes de sua partida, ele está com problemas com assuntos importantes, e eu não estou totalmente quieta por sua partida repentina".[17] No verão de 1558, Robert e Amy Dudley procuravam uma residência própria adequada para se estabelecerem em Norfolk; contudo, nada disto aconteceu antes da morte da Rainha Maria I em novembro de 1558.[18] Com a ascensão de Elizabeth I Robert Dudley tornou-se Mestre do Cavalo e o seu lugar era agora na corte, quase sempre na presença da Rainha.[19] Em abril de 1559 a Rainha Isabel parecia estar apaixonada por Lord Robert, e vários diplomatas relataram que alguns na corte já especulavam que a Rainha Elizabeth parecia estar apaixonada por Lord Robert, e vários diplomatas relataram que alguns na corte já especulavam que a Rainha se casaria com ele, "no caso de sua esposa morrer",[20] pois Lady Amy Dudley tinha uma doença num dos seus seios.[note 1] Logo observadores da corte notaram que Elizabeth nunca deixou Robert Dudley sair do seu lado.[21] Ele visitou sua esposa em Throcking por alguns dias na Páscoa de 1559, e Amy Dudley foi a Londres em maio de 1559 onde ficou por cerca de um mês.[22] Nessa época, em 6 de junho, o novo embaixador espanhol, Álvaro de la Quadra escreveu que a sua saúde tinha melhorado, mas que ela era cuidadosa com a sua alimentação.[23] Ela também fez uma viagem para Suffolk; em setembro, ela estava residindo na casa de Sir Richard Verney em Compton Verney em Warwickshire.[24] No Outono de 1559 vários príncipes estrangeiros disputavam pela mão da Rainha; indignados com o pouco interesse sério de Isabel pelo seu candidato,[25] o embaixador espanhol Álvaro de la Quadra e seu colega imperial estavam informando um ao outro e seus superiores que Lord Robert estava enviando veneno a sua mulher e que Elizabeth estava apenas enganando-os, "mantendo os inimigos de Lord Robert e o país envolvidos com palavras até que o ato perverso de matar sua mulher seja consumado".[26] Alguns nobres também responsabilizaram Dudley pelo fracasso de Elizabeth em se casar, e as tramas para assassiná-lo abundaram.[27] In March 1560 de Quadra informed Philip II: "Lord Robert told somebody … that if he live another year he will be in a very different position from now. … They say that he thinks of divorcing his wife."[28] Lady Amy never saw her husband again after her London visit in 1559. A projected trip of his to visit her and other family never materialized.[29] Queen Elizabeth did not really allow her favourite a wife; according to a contemporary court chronicle, he "was commanded to say that he did nothing with her, when he came to her, as seldom he did".[10]

 
Leicester and Amy Robsart at Cumnor Hall (1866) by Edward Matthew Ward. Fantasy portrait after Walter Scott's novel Kenilworth

From December 1559 Amy Dudley lived at Cumnor Place,[30] also sometimes known as Cumnor Hall,[31][32] in the village of Cumnor in Berkshire (on the outskirts of Oxford, and now in Oxfordshire).[33] The house, an altered 14th century monastic complex, was rented by a friend of the Dudleys and possible relative of Amy's, Sir Anthony Forster.[13] He lived there with his wife and Mrs. Odingsells and Mrs. Owen, relations of the house's owner.[34] Lady Amy Dudley's chamber was a large, sumptuous upper story apartment, the best of the house, with a separate entrance and staircase leading up to it. At the house's rear there were a terrace garden, a pond, and a deer park.[35] Amy Dudley received the proceeds of the Robsart estate directly into her hands and largely paid for her own household,[36] which comprised about 10 servants.[13] She regularly ordered dresses and finery as accounts and a letter from her of as late as 24 August 1560 show. She also received presents from her husband.[37] No picture of her is known to have survived, though according to the Imperial ambassador Caspar Breuner, writing in 1559, she was ‘a very beautiful wife’.

However, in 2009 Eric Ives suggested that a portrait miniature now in the Yale Center for British Art,[38] the Yale Miniature,[39] was in fact Amy Robsart.[38] Chris Skidmore concurs with this in his 2010 book Death and the Virgin: Elizabeth, Dudley and the Mysterious Fate of Amy Robsart, adding that Robert Dudley used the oak as a personal symbol in his youth,[40] the sitter wearing oak leaves and gillyflowers at her breast.[39] Recently a point has been made of the fact that the sprig of yellow flowers at the lady's breast corresponds with the colours of the Robsart coat of arms, green and yellow, or Vert and Or.[41] The name gilliflower or gillyflower derives from the French giroflée from Greek karyophyllon meaning nut-leaf, the association deriving from the flower's scent, making it another possiple wordplay for oak for Robert or even Robsart,[41] Robur being Latin for oak.[38] A portrait miniature of the same woman was sold at Sotheby's in 1983 by the Duke of Beaufort, a direct descendant of Lettice Knollys, who was the second wife of Amy's widower Robert Dudley.[41][42]

Morte e inquerito editar

 
Fantasy Portrait. Amy Robsart (1870) by William Frederick Yeames

On Sunday, 8 September 1560, the day of a fair at Abingdon, Amy Robsart was found dead at the foot of a pair of stairs at Cumnor Place. Robert Dudley, at Windsor Castle with the Queen, was told of her death by a messenger on 9 September and immediately wrote to his steward Thomas Blount, who had himself just departed for Cumnor. He desperately urged him to find out what had happened and to call for an inquest; this had already been opened when Blount arrived.[43] He informed his master that Lady Amy Dudley had risen early and

would not that day suffer one of her own sort to tarry at home, and was so earnest to have them gone to the fair, that with any of her own sort that made reason of tarrying at home she was very angry, and came to Mrs. Odingsells … who refused that day to go to the fair, and was very angry with her also. Because [Mrs. Odingsells] said it was no day for gentlewomen to go … Whereunto my lady answered and said that she might choose and go at her pleasure, but all hers should go; and was very angry. They asked who should keep her company if all they went; she said Mrs. Owen should keep her company at dinner; the same tale doth Picto, who doth dearly love her, confirm. Certainly, my Lord, as little while as I have been here, I have heard divers tales of her that maketh me judge her to be a strange woman of mind.[44]

Mrs. Picto was Lady Amy Dudley's maid and Thomas Blount asked whether she thought what had happened was "chance or villany":[45]

she said by her faith she doth judge very chance, and neither done by man nor by herself. For herself, she said, she was a good virtuous gentlewoman, and daily would pray upon her knees; and divers times she saith that she hath heard her pray to God to deliver her from desperation. Then, said I, she might have an evil toy [suicide] in her mind. No, good Mr. Blount, said Picto, do not judge so of my words; if you should so gather, I am sorry I said so much.[45]

Blount continued, wondering:

My Lord, it is most strange that this chance should fall upon you. It passeth the judgment of any man to say how it is; but truly the tales I do hear of her maketh me to think she had a strange mind in her: as I will tell you at my coming.[45]

 
Amy's last letter to her London tailor on 24 August 1560

The coroner and the 15 jurors were local gentlemen and yeomen of substance.[46] A few days later Blount wrote that some of the jury were no friends of Anthony Forster (a good sign that they would not "conceal any fault, if any be") and that they were proceeding very thoroughly:[47]

they be very secret, and yet do I hear a whispering that they can find no presumptions of evil. And if I may say to your Lordship my conscience: I think some of them be sorry for it, God forgive me. … Mine own opinion is much quieted … the circumstances and as many things as I can learn doth persuade me that only misfortune hath done it, and nothing else.[48]

The jury's foreman assured Robert Dudley in a letter of his own that for all they could find out, it appeared to be an accident.[49] Dudley, desperately seeking to avert damage from what he called "my case",[50] was relieved to hear the impending outcome, but thought "another substantial company of honest men" should undertake a further investigation "for more knowledge of truth".[47] This panel should include any available friends of Lady Amy's and her half-brothers John Appleyard and Arthur Robsart, both of whom he had ordered to Cumnor immediately after Amy's death.[49] Nothing came of this proposal.[47]

The coroner's verdict, pronounced at the local Assizes on 1 August 1561,[51] was that Lady Amy Dudley, "being alone in a certain chamber … accidentally fell precipitously down" the adjoining stairs "to the very bottom of the same".[52] She had sustained two head injuries—one "of the depth of a quarter of a thumb", the other "of the depth of two thumbs".[53][note 2] She had also, "by reason of the accidental injury or of that fall and of Lady Amy's own body weight falling down the aforesaid stairs", broken her neck, "on account of which … the same Lady Amy then and there died instantly; … and thus the jurors say on their oath that the Lady Amy … by misfortune came to her death and not otherwise, as they are able to agree at present".[52]

Amy Dudley was buried at St. Mary's, Oxford, with full pomp,[54] which cost Dudley some £2,000.[55] He wore mourning for about six months but, as was within custom, did not attend the funeral, where Lady Amy Dudley's half-brothers, neighbours, as well as city and county prominence played the leading parts.[56] The court went into mourning for over a month;[49] Robert Dudley retired to his house at Kew.[57]

Aftermath editar

 
Amy Robsart. 19th century fantasy portrait by Thomas Francis Dicksee

Amy Dudley's death, happening amid renewed rumours about the Queen and her favourite, caused "grievous and dangerous suspicion, and muttering" in the country.[58] Robert Dudley was shocked,[10] dreading "the malicious talk that I know the wicked world will use".[59] William Cecil, the Queen's Principal Secretary, felt himself threatened by the prospect of Dudley's becoming king consort and spread rumours against the eventuality.[60] Already knowing of her death before it was officially made public,[10] he told the Spanish ambassador that Lord Robert and the Queen wished to marry and were about to do away with Lady Amy Dudley by poison, "giving out that she was ill but she was not ill at all".[61] Likewise strongly opposed to a Dudley marriage, Nicholas Throckmorton, the English ambassador in France, went out of his way to draw attention to the scandalous gossip he heard at the French court.[62] Although Cecil and Throckmorton made use of the scandal for their political and personal aims,[63] they did not believe themselves that Robert Dudley had orchestrated his wife's death.[64]

In October Robert Dudley returned to court, many believed, "in great hope to marry the Queen".[55] Elizabeth's affection and favour towards him was undiminished,[55] and, importuned by unsolicited advice against a marriage with Lord Robert, she declared the inquest had shown "the matter … to be contrary to which was reported" and to "neither touch his honesty nor her honour."[65] However, her international reputation and even her position at home were imperilled by the scandal, which seems to have convinced her that she could not risk a marriage with Dudley.[66] Dudley himself had no illusions about his destroyed reputation, even when he first got notice of the jury's decision:[49] "God's will be done; and I wish he had made me the poorest that creepeth on the ground, so this mischance had not happened to me."[67] In September 1561, a month after the coroner's verdict was officially passed, the Earl of Arundel, one of Dudley's principal enemies, studied the testimonies in the hope of finding incriminating evidence against his rival.[68]

John Appleyard editar

John Appleyard had profited in terms of offices and annuities from his brother-in-law's rise ever since 1559; he was nevertheless disappointed with what he had got from Robert Dudley, now Earl of Leicester. In 1567 he was approached, apparently on behalf of the Duke of Norfolk and the Earl of Sussex, to accuse Leicester of the murder of his wife for a reward of £1,000 in cash.[69] He refused to cooperate in the plot, although he had, he said, in the last few years come to believe that his half-sister was murdered. He had always been convinced of Dudley's innocence but thought it would be an easy matter to find out the real culprits. He said he had repeatedly asked for the Earl's help to this effect, claiming the jury had not yet come up with their verdict; Dudley had always answered that the matter should rest, since a jury had found that there was no murder, by due procedure of law.[70] Now, as Leicester became aware of a plot against him, he summoned Appleyard and sent him away after a furious confrontation.[69]

Some weeks later the Privy Council investigated the allegations about Norfolk, Sussex, and Leicester, and Appleyard found himself in the Fleet prison for about a month. Interrogated by Cecil and a panel of noblemen (among them the Earl of Arundel, but not Robert Dudley), he was commanded to answer in writing what had moved him to implicate "my Lord of Norfolk, the Earl of Sussex and others to stir up matter against my Lord of Leicester for the death of his wife", and what had moved him to say that "the death of the Earl of Leicester's wife" was "procured by any person".[71] Appleyard, instead of giving answers, retracted all his statements; he had also requested to see the coroner's report and, after studying it in his cell, wrote that it fully satisfied him and had dispelled his concerns.[72]

Early traditions and theories editar

 
Amy Robsart walking to her death. 19th century fantasy portrait by Sir William Quiller Orchardson

From the early 1560s there was a tradition involving Sir Richard Verney,[57] a gentleman-retainer of Robert Dudley from Warwickshire, in whose house Lady Amy Dudley had stayed in 1559.[73] A 1563 chronicle, which is heavily biased against the House of Dudley[74] and was probably written by the Protestant activist John Hales,[75] describes the rumours:

the Lord Robert's wife brake her neck at Forster's house in Oxfordshire … her gentlewomen being gone forth to a fair. Howbeit it was thought she was slain, for Sir ----- Varney was there that day and whylest the deed was doing was going over the fair and tarried there for his man, who at length came, and he said, thou knave, why tarriest thou? He answered, should I come before I had done? Hast thou done? quoth Varney. Yeah, quoth the man, I have made it sure. … Many times before it was bruited by the Lord Robert his men that she was dead. … This Verney and divers his servants used before her death, to wish her death, which made the people to suspect the worse.[57]

The first printed version of Amy Robsart's alleged murder appeared in the satirical libel Leicester's Commonwealth, a notorious propaganda work against the Earl of Leicester written by Catholic exiles in 1584.[76] Here Sir Richard Verney goes directly to Cumnor Place, forces the servants to go to the market, and breaks Lady Amy's neck before placing her at the foot of the stairs; the jury's verdict is murder, and she is buried first secretly at the Cumnor parish church before being dug up and reburied at Oxford. Verney dies, communicating "that all the devils in hell" tore him in pieces; his servant (who was with him at the murder) having been killed in prison by Dudley's means before he could tell the story.[77]

Enhanced by the considerable influence of Leicester's Commonwealth, the rumours about Amy Robsart's death developed into a tradition of embellished folklore.[78] As early as 1608, a domestic tragedy named A Yorkshire Tragedy alluded to her fall from a pair of stairs as an easy way to get rid of one's wife: "A politician did it."[79] In the 19th century her story became very popular due to the best-selling novel, Kenilworth, by Walter Scott.[22] The novel's arch-villain is again called Varney.[80] The notion that Amy Robsart was murdered gained new strength with the discovery of the Spanish diplomatic correspondence (and with it of poison rumours) by the Victorian historian James Anthony Froude.[13] Generally convinced of Leicester's wretchedness,[81] he concluded in 1863: "she was murdered by persons who hoped to profit by his elevation to the throne; and Dudley himself … used private means … to prevent the search from being pressed inconveniently far."[82] There followed the Norfolk antiquarian Walter Rye with The Murder of Amy Robsart in 1885: here she was first poisoned and then, that method failing, killed by violent means. Rye's main sources were Cecil's talk with de Quadra around the time of Amy Dudley's death and, again, Leicester's Commonwealth.[83] Much more scholarly and influential was an 1870 work by George Adlard, Amy Robsart and the Earl of Leycester, which printed relevant letters and covertly suggested suicide as an explanation.[84] By 1910, A.F. Pollard was convinced that the fact that Amy Robsart's death caused suspicion was "as natural as it was incredible … But a meaner intelligence than Elizabeth's or even Dudley's would have perceived that murder would make the[ir] marriage impossible."[85]

Modern theories editar

 
The Death of Amy Robsart, as imagined by Victorian artist William Frederick Yeames

The coroner's report came to light in The National Archives in 2008 and is compatible with an accidental fall as well as suicide or other violence.[86] In the absence of the forensic findings of 1560, it was often assumed that a simple accident could not be the explanation[87]—on the basis of near-contemporary tales that Amy Dudley was found at the bottom of a short flight of stairs with a broken neck, her headdress still standing undisturbed "upon her head",[88] a detail that first appeared as a satirical remark in Leicester's Commonwealth and has ever since been repeated for a fact.[89] To account for such oddities and evidence that she was ill, it was suggested in 1956 by Ian Aird, a professor of medicine, that Amy Dudley might have suffered from breast cancer, which through metastatic cancerous deposits in the spine, could have caused her neck to break under only limited strain, such as a short fall or even just coming down the stairs.[88] This explanation has gained wide acceptance.[90]

Another popular theory has been that Amy Dudley took her own life; because of illness or depression, her melancholy and "desperation" being traceable in some sources.[91] As further arguments for suicide have been forwarded the fact that she insisted on sending her servants away and that her maid Picto, Thomas Blount, and perhaps Robert Dudley himself alluded to the possibility.[92]

A few modern historians have considered murder as an option. Alison Weir has tentatively suggested William Cecil as organizer of Amy Dudley's death on the grounds that, if Amy was mortally ill, he had the strongest murder motive and that he was the main beneficiary of the ensuing scandal.[93] Against this idea it has been argued that he would have risked damaging neither Elizabeth's reputation nor his own position.[94] The notion of Sir Richard Verney killing Amy Robsart after long and fruitless efforts to poison her (with and without his master's knowledge) has been revived by George Bernard and by Chris Skidmore on the basis that Verney appears in both the c. 1563 chronicle by John Hales (also called Journal of Matters of State) and the 1584 libel Leicester's Commonwealth.[95] This coincidence has as often been evaluated as no more than a tradition of gossip,[96] poison being a stock-in-trade accusation in the 16th century.[97]

That Robert Dudley might have influenced the jury has been argued by George Bernard, Susan Doran, and by Chris Skidmore. The foreman, Sir Richard Smith (mayor of Abingdon in 1564/1565[57]), had been a household servant of Princess Elizabeth and is described as a former "Queen's man" and a "lewd" person in Hales' 1563 chronicle, while Dudley gave a "Mr. Smith", also a "Queen's man", a present of some stuffs to make a gown from in 1566; six years after the inquest.[98] It has, however, not been established that Sir Richard Smith and the "Mr. Smith" of 1566 are one and the same person, Smith being a "very common" name.[99] Susan Doran has pointed out that any interference with the jury could be as easily explained by the desire to cover up a suicide rather than a murder.[90]

Most modern historians have exonerated Robert Dudley from murder or a cover-up.[90] Apart from alternatives for a murder plot as causes for Amy Robsart's death, his correspondence with Thomas Blount and William Cecil in the days following has been cited as proofs of his innocence; the letters, which show signs of an agitated mind, making clear his bewilderment and unpreparedness.[100] It has also been judged as highly unlikely that he would have orchestrated the death of his wife in a manner which laid him open to such a foreseeable scandal.[101]

Notas editar

  1. "está muy mala de un pecho", in the Spanish ambassador de Feria's original dispatch (Adams 1995 p. 63).
  2. Chris Skidmore interprets a thumb as the equivalent of about an inch (2, 54 cm), saying one wound was c. 5 mm deep, the other c. 5 cm; the locations of the head wounds are not specified in the coroner's report (Skidmore 2010 p. 232).

Referências

  1. Hartweg, Christine (2017). Amy Robsart: A Life and Its End. [S.l.]: Createspace Independent Publishing Platform. ISBN 978-1548783600 
  2. Skidmore 2010 pp. 15–16
  3. Skidmore 2010 p. 17
  4. Wilson 1981 pp. 33, 43; Skidmore 2010 p. 15
  5. Skidmore 2010 p. 23
  6. Haynes 1987 pp. 20–21; Loades 1996 p. 225
  7. Skidmore 2010 pp. 19–20; Adams 2008
  8. Wilson 1981 p. 44
  9. Loades 1996 p. 179; Skidmore 2010 pp. 19, 24
  10. a b c d e Adams 2008
  11. Loades 2004 pp. 121, 125, 127; Loades 1996 pp. 266, 271
  12. Skidmore 2010 pp. 38, 393
  13. a b c d Adams 2011
  14. Skidmore 2010 pp. 45–46, 59; Loades 1996 p. 273
  15. Skidmore 2010 p. 15
  16. Loades 1996 p. 273
  17. Adams 1995 pp. 380–381
  18. Wilson 1981 pp. 76–77
  19. Wilson 1981 p. 78
  20. Wilson 1981 pp. 95–96
  21. Chamberlin 1939 p. 101
  22. a b Adams 1995 p. 378
  23. Adams 1995 p. 68
  24. Adams 1995 pp. 382–383
  25. Skidmore 2010 pp. 162, 165
  26. Skidmore 2010 pp. 166–168, 356–357
  27. Doran 1996 p. 42
  28. Chamberlin 1939 p. 119
  29. Adams 1995 p. 383; Skidmore 2010 p. 224
  30. «Cumnor Place, David Nash Ford's Royal Berkshire History». Consultado em 4 de julho de 2018 
  31. «A Visit to Cumnor: 1840s, from an article in the magazine 'Family Friend' 1850, Bodleian Libraries». Consultado em 5 de julho de 2018 
  32. «Kenilworth, Walter Scott at Project Gutenberg». Consultado em 5 de julho de 2018 
  33. Adams 1995 p. 382
  34. Skidmore 2010 pp. 59, 169, 172
  35. Skidmore 2010 p. 171
  36. Adams 1995 pp. 383–384; Gristwood 2007 p. 101
  37. Skidmore 2010 pp. 192, 194, 195
  38. a b c Ives 2009 pp. 295, 15–16
  39. a b Edwards, J. Stephan (2015). A Queen of a New Invention – Portraits of Lady Jane Grey, England's 'Nine Days Queen' (em English). Palm Springs, California: Old John Publishing. pp. 102–103. ISBN 978-0-9863873-0-2 
  40. Skidmore 2010 p. 21
  41. a b c «The Tudors ~ The Robsart Coat of Arms». KatherineTheQueen.com (em inglês). Consultado em 22 de outubro de 2021. Cópia arquivada em 1 de janeiro de 2020 
  42. Revisited, Lady Jane Grey (1 de julho de 2019). «The Beaufort Miniature Portrait». Lady Jane Grey Revisited (em inglês). Consultado em 23 de outubro de 2021 
  43. Wilson 1981 pp. 118–120
  44. Skidmore 2010 pp. 381–382
  45. a b c Skidmore 2010 p. 382
  46. Skidmore 2010 pp. 210, 378; Chamberlin 1939 p. 40
  47. a b c Gristwood 2007 p. 107
  48. Skidmore 2010 p. 384
  49. a b c d Wilson 1981 p. 122
  50. Gristwood 2007 p. 104
  51. Skidmore 2010 p. 230
  52. a b Skidmore 2010 p. 378
  53. Skidmore p. 232
  54. Wilson 1981 pp. 122–123; Skidmore 2010 p. 217
  55. a b c Doran 1996 p. 45
  56. Doran 1996 p. 45; Wilson 1981 p. 123; Skidmore 2010 pp. 216–217; Adams 1995 p. 132
  57. a b c d Adams, Archer, and Bernard 2003 p. 66
  58. Doran 1996 pp. 43, 42
  59. Skidmore 2010 p. 379
  60. Haigh 2000 p. 16; Skidmore 2010 p. 239
  61. Wilson 1981 pp. 115–116; Haigh 2000 p. 16
  62. Doran 1996 p. 212
  63. Doran 1996 p. 212; Gristwood 2007 pp. 108–109; Skidmore 2010 pp. 243–244
  64. HMC 1911 p. viii; Gristwood 2007 pp. 112, 119; Skidmore 2010 p. 223
  65. Skidmore 2010 p. 253
  66. Doran 2003 p. 76; Doran 1996 pp. 43, 45
  67. Skidmore 2010 p. 385
  68. Doran 1996 p. 44; Skidmore 2010 p. 245
  69. a b Wilson 1981 p. 182
  70. HMC 1883 p. 350; Skidmore 2010 p. 300, 301, 363
  71. Skidmore 2010 pp. 304, 303
  72. Gristwood 2007 p. 115
  73. Skidmore 2010 pp. 356, 358
  74. Adams, Archer, and Bernard 2003 p. 41
  75. Adams, Archer, and Bernard 2003 pp. 46–51
  76. Wilson 1981 pp. 251–253; Jenkins 2002 p. 291
  77. Skidmore 2010 pp. 386, 387
  78. Chamberlin 1939 pp. 16–19, 420–421; Wilson 1981 p. 124
  79. Chamberlin 1939 pp. 417–418
  80. Chamberlin 1939 p. 22
  81. Chamberlin 1939 pp. 23, 45–46
  82. Chamberlin 1939 p. 25
  83. Gristwood 2007 pp. 115–116
  84. Gristwood 2007 pp. 115, 122
  85. Chamberlin 1939 p. 40
  86. Adams 2011; Skidmore 2010 pp. 230–233
  87. Doran 1996 pp. 42–44
  88. a b Jenkins 2002 p. 65
  89. Jenkins 2002 p. 291
  90. a b c Doran 1996 p. 44
  91. Doran 1996 p. 44; Gristwood 2007 p. 121
  92. Gristwood 2007 pp. 121–122; Doran 1996 p. 44
  93. Weir 1999 p. 109
  94. Gristwood 2007 p. 119; Skidmore 2010 p. 357
  95. Bernard 2000 pp. 169–174; Skidmore 2010 p. 355
  96. Adams, Archer, and Bernard 2003 p. 66; Adams 2011
  97. Gristwood 2007 p. 97
  98. Doran 1996 pp. 228; Bernard 2000 pp. 170–171; Skidmore 2010 pp. 369–370
  99. Doran 1996 p. 228; Bernard 2000 p. 171
  100. Gristwood 2007 pp. 114, 115; Skidmore 2010 pp. 237–238; Adams 2002 p. 136
  101. Weir 1999 p. 107; Wilson 2005 p. 275; Chamberlin 1939 p. 40

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